Arguments before the court
Contending that the U.S.-Mexico border "had become overwhelmed by an ungovernable influx of millions of aliens, creating chaotic conditions that criminal and terrorist organizations exploited to threaten our national security," the Trump administration came to the Supreme Court in August, asking the justices to weigh in. U.S. Solicitor General D. John Sauer told the justices that "suspending the illegal entry of aliens and precluding their access to asylum" is "[t]he most important and effective pieces of the President’s response."
Trump’s proclamation, Sauer continued, "rests on a commonsense understanding of the President’s inherent and delegated powers to exclude aliens." Therefore, he said, Trump "acted well within his authority in preemptively indicating that asylum applications filed by aliens who violate the proclamation’s entry suspension would be denied—and in effectuating that discretionary policy choice by directing that the government need not accept futile asylum applications from those aliens."
Sauer also told the court that the lower courts did not have the power to apply their order to a whole class of challengers. Federal immigration law, he argued, expressly bars lower courts from issuing orders that require federal officials to enforce or implement specified provisions of federal immigration law –including those "allowing aliens to assert an asylum claim … and obtain a hearing before being subject to expedited removal."
And in any event, Sauer continued, the class of challengers also violates the rules governing class actions because it "sweeps in aliens who are currently overseas and have no imminent plans to enter the United States (much less enter illegally)." Those noncitizens, he wrote, have not been injured and therefore cannot be part of the class; they "will become future class members here only if they choose to illegally enter the county."
The challengers urged the justices to deny review, telling them that the D.C. Circuit’s ruling "correctly held that the President may not invent by fiat a new removal system that eviscerates the protections Congress mandated by statute." They also pushed back against the administration’s suggestion that the proclamation and guidance were intended to address an "unprecedented crisis," countering that "the facts say otherwise. By January 2025, before the Proclamation took effect, border apprehensions had returned to historically routine levels, down over 90 percent from their peak. If the Executive Branch nonetheless believes it needs new tools to manage the border, Congress must provide them."
The challengers also rejected the administration’s suggestion that the lower courts could not have broadly barred the Trump administration from implementing the proclamation and guidance. The law stripping the lower courts of the power "to enjoin or restrain the operation of" some federal immigration laws does not apply here, they said, because Trump’s proclamation relies on other laws that are not implicated by that bar.
The court agreed to consider the legality of Trump’s proclamation and the guidance, as well as Moss’ power to enter an order providing broad relief, but it turned down the government’s request to weigh in on whether the class violates the rules governing class actions.